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ADDRESS 


OF :. 


GEORGE HARVEY 


AT THE 


nS™ ANNIVERSARY DINNER 


OF THE 


St. ANDREW'S SOCIETY 


OF 


CHARLESTON, SOUTH CAROLINA 


NOVEMBER 30, 1904 


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PRINTED FOR THE ST. ANDREW'S SOCIETY 
OF CHARLESTON, SOUTH CAROLINA 



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THE 

OFFICERS OF 

THE ST. ANDREW'S SOCIETY 

ALEX. W. MARSHALL, PRESIDENT. J. A. GORDON, Sec'Y. 

F. S. LATHAM, 1ST VICE-PRES. R. B. DOWIE, TREAS. 

J. B. CHISOLM, 2ND ViCE-PRES. REV. R. WILSON, D.D., CHAPLAIN. 



175™ ANNIVERSARY DINNER 
OF THE ST. ANDREW'S SOCIETY OF CHARLESTON 



APPROACH OF THE SCOTS 

MUSIC. "The Campbells are coming." 

"A' ye 'whom social f>lcasiiyc clianus, 
Whose hearts tlic tide o' kindness ivarins, 
Who hold your being on the terms 

'Each aid the others,' 
Come to my hoicl, come to my arms, 
My friends, my brothers." — Burns. 

Mnxn 

BLUE POINTS CELERY 

GREEN TURTLE SOUP scotch style 

SALTED ALMONDS OLIVES 

STEAMED FINNIAN HADDIS butter SAUCE 

NEW IRISH POTATOES 

HAGGIS:— "Fmc Anld Scotland, Meg Dod's Style.'' 
" Fair fa' your honest sonsie face: 
Weel arc ye ivorthy o' a grace 
As king's my arm." 

WEE MacGreegor Scotch Oat Cakes 

FILET DE BOEUF, bordelaise Carolina rice 

SALMI OF DUCK jelly 

asparagus tips young onions 



g>rntrl| P«url| 



CAROLINA QUAIL PETITS POIS 

SCOTCH KALE WITH SHRIMP SALAD 

ST. ANDREW'S PLUM PUDDING hard and brandy sauce 

MACAROON ICE-CREAM 
GATEAUX ASSORTIE BISCUIT 

NUTS FRUIT raisins 

ROQUEFORT CRACKERS 

COFFEE 

PASSING OF THE SNUFF MULLS BY THE STEWARDS 
" When they talked of their Raphaels, Correggios and stuff, 
Hr sJiijfrd his trumpet and only took snuff." — Goldsmith. 

GIFT 

MRS. \N00OR0\W \W11.S0W 

NOV. 25, 1939 



Presentation of a Portrait of Ex-President, Mitchell King. 

Reading of the Annual Charge and Welcome, ByJ. Bacham Chisolm,M. D. 

2nd Vice-President. 

Music: "Within a Mile of Edinboro' Town." 



©naata 

1. "The Day We Celebrate," with a Scotch Yankee in our Midst. 

George Harvey. 
Music: "Scots Wha" ha' with Wallace Bled." 

2. "King Edward VII." Rev. W. H. Bowers, D.D., A Loyal Subject. 

".4;?' since I'm here I'll no neglect 

In loyal true affection. 
To pay the King with due respect 

My fealty and subjection. 
This great birthday." — Burns. 

Music: "God Save the King." 

3. "The United States" - - Colonel L. V. Caziarc, U. S. A. 

Music: The Star-Spangled Banner." 

4. "The State OF South Carolina - Governor D. C. Heyward. 

Music: "Dixie." 

5. "City of Charleston" - F. Q. O'Neill, Esq., Mayor Pro Tern, 

Music "Bonnie Blue Flag." 

And let us not forget 

"Auld Lang Syne" _ _ _ By Members and Guests. 



FINAL ADMONITION 

"Noo, Sandy, y'r foremaist, ait' mind, there's a turn in the stair, 
Your airm, Mac, that's a man." — HoGG. 




GEORGE HARVEY 



ADDRESS OF GEORGE HARVEY 

Introduced by Major JOHN C. HEMPHILL, Mr. HARVEY, 
after a few introductory remarks, spoke as follows : 

I have not come here to talk about Scotchmen nor about 
Yankees, nor about any similar indigestible securities that, in 
the language of the toast to which I respond, may linger in 
3^our midst. The glorious past of not only the Scotch but the 
descendants of the Scotch is vivid with inspiration. The future 
of such a race whose sturdy qualities have evoked the admira- 
tion of all mankind, and we trust have won the sympathetic 
respect of an all-wise Providence, is a topic capable of graphic 
and prophetic portrayal. To others, however, better equipped 
with knowledge of history and more distinctively blessed with 
the gift of omniscience, I leave these pleasing tasks. I 
have come here in response to your most gracious and wholly 
unrestricted invitation with the deliberate purpose of talking 
politics. 

It is of the present, the sentient, throbbing present, sur- 
charged with dread of evil and hope of good that I, a Scotch 
Yankee, wish to speak to you, my cousins by lineage and my 
brothers by sympathy. I have a right to address a Southern 
audience. The first of my ancestors to arrive in this country 
landed in Massachusetts in the seventeenth century. The last 
of my ancestors born in another country came from Scotland in 
the nineteenth century. iNIy two grandfathers hewed out their 
homes in the wilderness of Vermont nearly a hundred years ago. 
In those days, the least of evils to be apprclicndcd was race sui- 
cide, and many were the sons and grandsons to whom fell the 
duty and the honor of sustaining the beliefs and maintaining 
the traditions of those earnest men. The community was less 
narrow socially than politically, but there was surely no 
advantage to any resident in affiliating himself with a small 
minority. Despite this environment and the drawbacks attend- 
ant upon it, neither of those two men nor any one of their many 



iloscendants, to the best of my knowledge and belief, ever voted 
for a candidate for public office who was not a Democrat. At 
the outbreak of the Civil War, of my immediate ancestors liv- 
ing, were two grandfathers, my own father and nine uncles. 
They were Northern men. Not one of them had ever crossed 
the Mason and Dixon Line. They regarded any form of slavery 
with abhoiTence, but not one of those twelve men ever lifted a 
hand against his white brother in the South. From their meagre 
store and from necessity, eleven of them furnished the Federal 
Government with the sums of money fixed for the procurement 
of substitutes. One uncle, perhaps the best able of the twelve 
to do so, absolutel}' refused, and chewed the cud of bitter re- 
flection for nearly two years in the county jail. I make no 
boast of their action. I claim for them no credit. Whether, 
at that time, under those circumstances I should have done as 
they did, I do not know, but the facts are family history and 
constitute the basis of my assertion that I have an absolute 
and unqualified right to speak to you men of the South the 
words of a fraternal heart. 

Whether or not it be precisely true that the darkest hour is 
that which immediately precedes the breaking of the dawn, it 
is a fact established and recognized by history that what 
seems at first to be an overwhelming and irremediable political 
disaster often proves in the end to have been not only a 
triumph but a blessing. Such, in m}' judgment, from the view- 
point of both our common countr}^ and our specific party, w^ill 
be the eventuality of our recent national election. The causes 
which induced the great Republican majority have been vari- 
ously stated. The cohesive strength of the organization, the 
attraction of a dashing personality, the apprehension of a dis- 
turbance of fairly satisfactory conditions, the feeling that work 
in tlic Philippines and Panama had been well begun and should 
be continued — each of these elements undoubtedly contributed 
its share to the general result. But the fundamental, under- 
lying cause, more potent than all of these combined, was a deep- 
seated conviction in the minds of thinking: men tliat the Na- 



3 

tional Democratic party has not in recent years demonstrated 
a capacity to govern wisely and well. And, having in mind par- 
ticularly its record for the past twelve years, can we honestly 
deny the existence of a reasonable justification for that belief? 
Personally, I do not think the Democratic party has been prop- 
erly equipped to govern the Nation since the Civil War. It be- 
came and still continues to be an aggregation of odds and ends, 
of shreds of theories and patches of practicability. Mr. Cleve- 
land, b}^ virtue of the universal confidence in his personal in- 
tegrity and of his unsurpassed adroitness in attracting to him- 
self all elements of dissatisfaction, from the very rich to the 
very poor, from the doctrinaire to the unprofessed anarchist, 
won two notable triumphs, but those were his victories, not his 
party's, and the ultimate effect was logical and inevitable. The 
organization became so weakened that it was seized with no 
great difficulty by a faction, Avhich in turn made for disruption 
and defeat. This year control passed back to the East, an 
unexceptionable though uninspiring candidate was named, ap- 
parent unanimity of effort was put forth in the canvass, and 
overwhelming defeat ensued. 

The West and the East have had their opportunities for 
forty years and have failed. Now what of the South.? Here 
the Democratic party had its birth, here it produced a line of 
statesmen such as no nation has ever known. Of the fifteen ad- 
ministrations ending in 1861, all but two were Democratic, and 
of these thirteen terms, nine were served by Southern men and 
six by the founders of the party — Thomas Jefferson, James 
Madison and James Monroe. While the South, as represented 
by these great men, was in the saddle, there was no suggestion 
of unfitness to govern. Adherence to principle, sagacity in 
statesmanship, conservatism in action, faithful endeavor in the 
interests of the entire country won and held the confidence of 
the people to such a degree that, through all the vicissitudes of 
internecine strife and an unparalleled succession of reverses at 
the polls, that great party survived, still lives and, please God, 
shall never die. 



But while the East and West have alternately and with the 
precision of the setting sun carried the party down to defeat, 
what has the South been doing? You have taken whatever has 
been offered to you and with hardly a wry face. If free silver 
was tendered, you swallowed that; if the gold standard, you 
took that: protection or free trade, a radical or a conservative 
candidate, big navies or little navies, big sticks or mellow flutes, 
whatever grist came to your mill was accepted so long as it bore 
the part}^ label. You are sometimes called and, I think, 
unquestionably are, in some respects a masterful and intolerant 
community, but was such patient bending to the yoke as this 
ever before exhibited by a free and enlightened people? I am 
aware of the local condition which gave rise to and perhaps 
made necessar}^ this abdication of authority even in the councils 
of the party created by your ancestors, but I ask you if the 
time is not now at hand to come back into 3'Our own, to claim 
the opportunity exercised so long and so disastrous^ by oth- 
ers, to reassert the broad statesmanship of the past and to blaze 
the way for a return to the sturdy principles of the fathers? 

Is such an achievement possible? Has the time really come 
for action, positive 3'et conservative, resolute yet wise, that may 
with reason be hoped to be crowned with success? 

These are vital, practical questions, to be answered, not by 
enthusiastic intuition, but by frank, sane consideration. What 
then are the present circumstances? In what respects do they 
differ from those of the past? 

In the first place, j^ou are prosperous. Soon you will be rich. 
In a bare score of years the output of your mines, factories and 
fields, has increased more than two billions of dollars or more 
than trebled, you mine 66,000,000 tons of coal as against six 
millions in 1880, you have two hundred million dollars invested 
in cotton-mills instead of twenty millions, you cut and sell five 
times as much lumber, you support 65,000 miles of excellent 
railways instead of 20,000 miles of streaks of rust. The pov- 
erty-stricken South of the past has disappeared. You have 
taken your place by the side of the opulent East and the hus- 



tling West — and your progress has been so steady, so well 
grounded, that it cannot fail to continue and expand. All 
agree that this splendid material advancement has but just be- 
gun, and yet you have already won the right to be heard with 
respect and to speak with the authority of the well-to-do rather 
than with the meekness of the poor. You had the birth and 
breeding; you now have the wealth, which in an Anglo-Saxon 
community has ever been essential to proper recognition and 
the full exercise of rightful prerogatives. 

Let us now consider the sentimental change which has 
been wrought in the attitude of your neighbors towards 
3^ourselves. In the course of constant reading of Southern 
journals and in the exercise of too few opportunities of talk- 
ing with Southern men, I find frequent resentful references to 
what is termed sometimes the bigotrj', sometimes the unfairness, 
of the people who live in the Middle and New England States. 
Lest we forget, may it not be desirable from time to time to 
make enlightening contrasts.? It is not so long ago that the 
bloody shirt was practically the sole issue in a national cam- 
paign. Even within my own recollection, and I was yet un- 
born when Robert E. Lee received back from the hands of Gen- 
eral Grant the sword he had tendered him, tlicre lives tJie mem- 
ory of fervid and rabid speeches b^^ Republican orators such 
as now nowhere from Portland, Maine, to Portland, Oregon, 
would be considered worthy of a man of intelligence ajid sensi- 
bility. The burden of the cry was invariably the necessity and 
the righteousness of forcing into the ballot-box the vote of the 
negro. The sores engendered by that great strife continued to 
be as poignant there as you know them to have been here. Could 
in reason an3^thing except time have been expected to heal 
those wounds, and has not time done it.? Is there not plainly ob- 
servable, perhaps even more clearly to the thousands of South- 
ern men who have found their homes in Northern communities, 
a new and fraternal consideration, a spirit of helpfulness in 
place of a feeling of vengeful reprisal? Have not facts come 
to be recognized as necessary to be reckoned with? Have not 



6 

conditions, misapprehended for years, sunk deep into the minds 
and the hearts of 3'our fellow citizens in Northern communi- 
ties ? 

Near!}' two years ago Elihu Root, then Secretary of War, 
one of the three foremost statesmen of his party and a partisan 
of partisans, stood up before his fellow members of the Union 
I^eague Club in New York, that uncompromising association 
which was the most conspicuous outgrowth of its kind of that 
great struggle for supremacy, and solemnly declared that the 
policy which had been adopted and pursued with vehemence, 
if not vindictiveness, for so many 3?ears, must be abandoned. 
" The country," he said, " has to face a failure of the plan 
which was adopted at the conclusion of the Civil War to lift 
the blacks from the condition in which they were left when they 
were freed from slavery, by conferring upon them suffrage. 
Their right to aspire to office under the Federal Government 
which was formerly unquestioned is now questioned, and it is 
probably but a matter of time, not so long a time, when the over- 
whelming sentiment of the white man will succeed in excluding 
the black from all the offices in the Southern States." When 
Mr. Root thus spoke of the overwhelming sentiment of the 
white man he meant, and every one of his hearers knew that 
he meant, the white man of the North as well as the white man 
of the South. Let your memories run back a score of years, 
or even half a score of years, and tell me if such an utterance 
from such a source would have been conceivable at that time. 
Would any man of Mr. Root's position have had the hardihood 
to venture it, or from a sense of profound conviction having 
done so, would he not have faced the certain ostracism of his 
party ? Could he have hoped ever to aspire to an honor within 
the gift of that determined organization? And yet nearly two 
years ago what was the effect.? Only the hearty applause of 
everybody who heard his words, indicating the universal relief 
felt that at last the true sentiment of the community had found 
an authoritative voice. The sympathetic consideration of your 
political brethren in the North you had long possessed, but 



was not this utterance a very long step toward the full appre- 
ciation by the entire community of the difficulties involved in 
the solution of the most trying problem that has ever con- 
fronted the American people? Moreover, were not those memor- 
able words borne out in fact in the recent campaign? Was 
there anywhere a single line written or spoken throughout the 
entire North and West designed to arouse slumbering prejudice 
and inflame forgotten passions? If not, is there any possible 
logical deduction except that a great change has been wrought 
in the minds of those whom once you considered, and who con- 
sidered themselves, your enemies? 

There is in the community in which I live but one disposition 
toward the South, and that is, not to interfere, but to help. 
We do not believe that your great problem of reconciling per- 
fect justice for all with the absolute supremacy, social and po- 
litical, of the white race is insoluble. We cannot believe that 
God in his wisdom ever placed before his civilizing, Christian- 
izing people an obstacle which they should be incapable of re- 
moving, but equally certain and true is our sincere conviction 
that the sympathetic cooperation of all, and not the endeavor, 
however earnest and however kindly, of a portion, is essential 
to success. That is what we not only offer, but beg you to ac- 
cept. We have no advice to give, no suggestions to make, 
further than to ask that you who have immediate personal re- 
sponsibility shall proceed along the path of enlightenment 
and sternly repress any tendency, if such thei^e be, to revert to 
methods which prevailed when dominant races were guilty of 
debasing rather than uplifting humanity. We believe that the 
children born within the borders of this great land, whatever 
their religion or color, should have equal opportunities for the 
acquirement of education and development of conscience and 
the refinement of manners and customs which follow in the wake 
of knowledge. We believe that life and property by whomso- 
ever rightfully possessed should be protected by the State and 
that none should ever, under any circumstances, be deprived of 
either except by due process of law soberly and justly, though 



8 

rigorously, firmly and promptly administered. We believe that 
no barrier should ever be placed in the path of any human 
being who is earnestly striving for industrial and spiritual ad- 
vantage. We believe that intelligence is easier to deal with 
than ignorance. 

England suffers from the tyranny of trade-unionism because 
her aristocracy has refused education to her laborers. It is not 
uncommon for students of our industrial progress to predict 
a like fateful dominance within our own borders. That there 
have been manifestations of such a tendency no observant per- 
son can deny. Ours is a conmiercial nation ; it must rise or 
fall with its industries. Disturbances of any kind, but espe- 
cially those involving strife between labor and capital, are most 
to be deplored, but we have a right to feel and arc justified from 
experience in expecting, that such difficulties will be only tran- 
sitory, that the mighty force of education now making itself 
felt most noticeably upon both capital and labor will safe- 
guard not only the interests of the people, but of the Republic 
itself. The future of this great country, sprung almost in a 
day from infancy to manhood and growing by leaps and bounds 
at a pace never known before in the history of the world, lies 
in our public schools. So long as they continue to be free and 
open to all, and so long as good-citizenship requires that the 
advantages thus afforded be availed of, we may look forward 
with more than hope, with certainty, of the ultimate triumph 
of righteous contentment over evil tendencies. In this aspira- 
tion there is certainly no sectionalism. It is universal and as 
broad as the country itself. That it animates every right-think- 
ing man, whether of the North, South, East or West, I would 
not for a moment permit myself to doubt. We may differ as 
to methods, but if our common purpose be to ennoble mankind, 
we need be only considerate, one of another's honest opinions, 
and it is for that tolerance I plead. 

I have digressed somewhat from the political proposals which 
1 ventured at the beginning, but the digression is more appar- 
tu\ ilian real for the reason that these purposes, these aspira- 



9 

tions, arc the fundamental requirements, no less of political 
success than of personal and public advancement. What then, 
speaking more practically, is the prospect of the great party 
founded by Jefferson, grown in the South and still upheld by 
four millions of loyal citizens in the North and West? 

We speak of the recent Republican victory as overwhelming, 
and so it seemed in its first effect, but in magnitude it was by no 
means without precedent. The Democratic party has suffered 
greater reverses than this, and promptly recovered when 
itself became worthy and the country felt its need. Judge 
Parker will receive at least 133 and probably IttO votes 
in the electoral college. In 18-iO only 60 votes were cast 
for the Democratic candidate, in 1864 but 21, in 1868 but 
80 and in 1872 only 63. History affords no reason there- 
fore for believing that the Democratic party is dead or is 
going to die, but when such an organization, through force 
of circumstances, becomes as I have depicted this — perhaps 
without full justification — an aggregation of odds and ends, 
shreds and patches, the work of rejuvenation must begin at the 
bottom and the only foundation upon which to build, if the 
approval of the American people is to be obtained, is a moral 
force. I maintain that, in the election which has just taken 
place, and as hose general result has been regarded by many with 
despair, such a beginning has been made. It is not so much 
that many States which gave to INIr. Roosevelt a large majority, 
elected Democratic Governors. Similar instances, although less 
noticeable, are well within the memory of us all. What is sig- 
nificant and most significant, in this seemingly paradoxical 
icsult, is that the cause in each and every case was a popular 
revolt based upon moral grounds. Mr. Folk w^as elected Gov- 
ernor of Missouri upon a moral issue. Mr. Douglas's 35,000 
majority in jNIassachusetts against 80,000 for the Republican 
national ticket was due to the fact that he stood for the wel- 
fare of the many as against that of the few. INIr. Johnson 
won in Minnesota, overcoming the enormous Republican ma- 
jority of 125,000, and ]\Ir. Toole won in :Montana, because they 



10 

stood squarciy for and personally embodied the principles of 
Thomas Jefferson. Not a whit less significant, although of less 
practical effect, are the facts that the Republican national can- 
didate polled in excess of the votes for Republican candidates 
for Governor, in New York nearly 100,000, in Michigan 110,- 
000, in New Jersey 20,000, in Rhode Island 15,000, in West 
Virginia 16,000 and in Wisconsin 75,000. They were all Re- 
publican States this year. In each of them, despite the fact that 
some Avere not successful, the Democratic candidate won a 
victory, and without exception it was a moral victory, a triumph 
of right over wrong, an indication of unwavering fidelity of 
the American people to the dictates of conscience. 

Herein lies the lesson for the future. Henceforth let every 
issue be a moral issue. Let us have no further appeals or 
catering to any specific odds or ends or shreds or patches, and 
of all things let us not arouse the resentment, just or unju.st, of 
our countrymen b}^ refusing to recognize the personal integrity 
of an opponent. The Republican national success has been 
spoken of as sectional, and some color is given to the assertion 
by the fact that in my own native State of Vermont Judge 
Parker did not carry a single town. But it was not a sectional 
victory, and it was not a plutocratic victory or a success 
achieved by the Tise of money; it was Theodore Roosevelt's own 
personal triumph, based upon the belief that he is an honest 
and ;dile man. I hold no brief for Theodore Roosevelt, the 
partisan. I am utterly opposed to his apparent, and I doubt not 
sincere, conviction that those who are most governed are the 
liest governed. ]\loreover, I recognize and could point out with 
greater or less lucidity certain disqualifications of which I be- 
lieve him to be possessed, but despite all of these, to my mind, 
uncommendable attributes, I do not hesitate to say that I have 
the utmost respect for Theodore Roosevelt, the man. That he 
has made many mistakes I know, you know and he knows. That 
he has given offence unnecessarily and without just cause, we all 
appreciate because it is an undeniable fact. That he regrets an}' 
such mistake that he mav have made, laments anv sucli offence he 



11 

may have given and would rejoice in the exercise of an oppor- 
tunity to make all amends within his power, consistent with 
his own sense of duty, I, for one, do not for a moment doubt. 
Of all men with whom I have ever been in any way intimately 
acquainted, I have never known one who wanted to do right 
more than Theodore Roosevelt. If there is any rational basis 
for this judgment, which at any rate is shared by many, 
is there not here a call to generous minds for tolerance.'' Is 
a man never to be forgiven for one, or even two or three errors ? 
Have we forgotten the distinction made in the Scriptural in- 
junction between seven and seventy times seven.'' Cannot 
some mistakes, whether of temperament or judgment, be over- 
looked.'' ]Must absolute perfection be expected from a vcr>^ 
human individual.'' Moreover, is it wise to condemn inflexibly 
one from whom much good may at least be hoped .^ If it be 
true that benevolent despotism has been established for a time 
by a vast majority of the people, is it the part of sagacious 
common sense to eliminate the benevolence and leave only the 
tyranny .'' " From Theodore Roosevelt," said a prominent South- 
ern editor, while the bitterness of defeat still rested upon his 
spirit, " we ask no quarter and expect none." An individual ex- 
pression is of little consequence and cannot be expected to bear 
much fruit, but I am free to say that I, for one, should feel 
only contempt for myself if I failed on this occasion to de- 
clare an utter lack of sympathy with what seems to me a most 
narrow, unnecessary and unwise defiance. There do come times 
when chivalric men can well afford to let bygones go, look hope- 
fully and forbearingly to the future and act accordingly. In 
all fairness and kindness and righteousness, is not this one of 
those times? In any case, the most effective and the only way 
to remedy whatever, to the Democratic mind, President Roose- 
vent represents that is wrong, is to upbuild the Democratic 
party, and this cannot be accomplished if we permit an unfor- 
giving spirit to dominate the soul of wisdom. 

My friends, the Republican party is facing the most critical 
period in its histor\\ Its power is so great and yet so concen- 



12 

tnitcd that it thrcjiteus itself. President Roosevelt has pledged 
the accomplishment of iiiaiiv things and will attempt many more. 
None is too great to daunt tliat resolute spirit, none too minute 
to enlist his attention. We are about to behold the marvellous 
spectacle of one mind trying to solve all the complicated prob- 
lems of nearly a hundred millions of human beings of every 
race, in every clime, within the short space of four years. 
It is indeed a strenuous undertaking. It may be 
crowned with success; it may not. One prediction Ave 
may venture without hesitation. The experiment will 
be enormously ex})ensive. Already Secretary Morton de- 
mands $114,0()0,()()() innnediately for the Navy, and it is 
onlv a first call at that. ^Merely to carry out the adminis- 
tration's programme, to enable it to fulfil its ante - election 
pledges, irrespective of the many additional benevolent thoughts 
that will come to mind from time to time, hundreds of millions 
must be had for the Philippines, Panama, irrigation, armies, 
subsidies, rivers, harbors, pensions — hundreds of millions more 
than were ever raised before. " If I had a thousand a year," 
was the plaintive refrain of a once popular song. " If I had 
a billion a year," will soon be but as a bagatelle to the actual 
requirements of the venerable Uncle who personifies the Nation. 
In this age great deeds call for great sums. Where are they 
to come from? Is a miracle to be wrought or are tlie people to 
feel in their sensitive pockets, well before another Presidential 
election, the exactions of a government of regal splendor? And 
may not democratic simplicitv and economy some day find their 
preference? Is the tariff to be revised? And if so, upward or 
downward? We shall see. Are the trusts to be cui'bed effect- 
ually without restraining industrial progress? We shall sec. 
In respect to these and the many other features of this splendid 
j)rogramme, they may hope. But we shall see. 

One fact is certain ! Whatever may be the result of the in- 
evitable struggle between an impatient President and reluctant 
reprcsrntatives of special interests, it behooves the Democratic 
party to take heed from the fate of the foolish virgins. Now 



13 

is the time and you of the South are the men to act with 
promptness and wisdom. You are the mainstay, the hving 
reahty of Democracy. So many of us in the North come so 
near being RepubHcans in practice and so many of us in the 
West come so near being Popuhsts in theory that the leadership 
rightfully belongs to the only section of the party which has 
kept the faith without suffering contamination, and under whose 
direction in the past the people enjoyed their greatest growth, 
their widest prosperity. The time is fitting. The blight of 
half a century is off the South. You have your manufactures, 
your mines, your agriculture, ^^our railroads, your steamships, 
your schools, your happy homes, your Christian spirit — you 
have all that we have and more, because you have our respect 
and sympathy to a greater degree than we have yours. We ask 
you to take up the ark of the covenant and bear it to victory 
as of old. We seek now to follow, requiring only that for- 
bearance which is the first attribute of brotherhood. Do not, 
we implore, insist that we must manifest no interest in your 
affairs or you in ours. Your problems are our problems, your 
hopes our hopes, your fears our fears, and ours are yours. I 
appeal to you not to put up warning hands and say " Thus 
far but no farther," but with the whole-hearted, trustful, fra- 
ternal and generous spirit of chivalric natures, stretch your 
arms away over the line and bid us welcome. " To alleviate the 
cares of life; to endear men to one another; and, by mutual as- 
sistance and advice, to prevent or remed}^ those evils which are 
incident to our condition " — those are the words of the founders 
of this, the oldest society of its honored name in the country, 
uttered nearly two hundred years ago. They are our words, 
our prayer, to you to-day. We gladly concede your right to 
lead ; w^e only ask that you bear the banner of Jefferson along 
the broad path of tolerance and enlightenment, of progress and 
Christianity, of belief in man and faith in God, out of the dark- 
ness of despair of the past into the sunlight of hope for the 
future. 



SOME PRESS COMMENTS 

MK. (;i:«)Kc;i: iiakvkv.s addukss 

KespondiD^ to the toast, " A SLotili Yankee in Our Midst,"' Mr. George Har- 
vey made au address at the auniuil banquet of the St. Andrew's Society last 
night, which received the closest attention of his audience, and which will 
not fail to interest all who may read the report of it, which is printed else- 
where in the Sens and VouiUr this morning. Mr. Harvey frankly avowed 
at the outset his purpose to leave to others the task of pronouncing the 
.ouventioual eulogy suggested by the occasion. He came to Charleston to 
discuss with his " cousins by lineage " and his " brothers by sympathy - 
conditions which make the present instinct with life rather than theories, 
that render the past honorable and glorious. In modesty, rather than candor, 
Mr. Harvey defined his object to be " the deliberate purpose of talking 
politics." Had he said " talking patriotism " the phrase would have been 
more truly descriptive. 

It is not our purpose at this time to consider in detail the merits or 
demerits of the suggestions made by Mr. Harvey. We merely desire to 
commend the frankness, in letter and spirit, of his address, taken as a 
whttle. The language in which it is couched is charming, the temper which 
pervades it is entirely admirable, the courage of conviction and purpose 
which characterize it command attention and respect. 

Mr. Harvey spoke for modern Americanism to modern Americans. He said 
in effect that the dead past of our national life should be allowed to bury 
its own dead. He sees no need to continue the obseyuies indefinitely. He is 
concerned with what is, not with what might have been. Unpleasant bygones 
ai-e ever without profit as present issues. He gives the fullest credit to 
others : he demands the fairest consideration for himself and his own. He 
looks for no marvels : ho expects no miracle. He is content with integrity 
i)f purpose and honest and persistent effort. He appeals from prejudices to 
jirinciples. He asks credit for credit. He has no theories to spin concerning 
sectional grievances or animosities, real or fancied. He accepts it as axiom- 
atic that virtue, no less than wisdom, will not die with any man or set of 
men ; but he maintains that as among ourselves the presumption of innocence 
is a national duty. 

To the South he gives the most generous confidence; for the North he de- 
mands credit for patriotism and intelligence. Mr. Harvey declared that all 
Americans " arc brothers by sympathy," and that they should go to the solu- 
tinn of their problems steadfastly convinced of the abiding quality of this 
proposition. He had a message which he wished to deliver to the people of 
("harleston. and he accoiiiplished his task most admirably. His address in- 
^ites careful consideration, and it will bear more than casual perusal. It 
gives welcome assurances on behalf of the thought and life of which he is 
so admirable a representative. Mr. Harvey is editor of " a journal of 
ci\ilization ■■ : he is an advocate of the broadest and most intelligent Amer- 
ican patriotism ; he is a gentleman whom it is a pleasure to know as a 
friend and honor as a guest. — From the Charleston News and Courier. 



A CALL TO THE SOUTH 

That was, indeed, a notable deliverance, made last evening before the St. 
Andrew's Society of this city by Colonel George Harvey, the distinguished 
• ditor and publicist, but addressed to a national audience and especially to the 
pfople of the South. That it will attract wide attention is certain. That 
It will aid in a rational rehabilitation of the Democratic party and a restora- 
tion of the South to the political position in the national councils to the 
bf-neflt of the South and the nation should be certain. 

rolonel Harvey, an independent Democrat of Democratic antecedents the 
most pronounced, is well entitled to the right, he claims, to speak to Southern 
14 



Democrats iu expectation of a sjmpathetic audience. That siiould be as- 
suied to any man who comes with fair speech from a true heart, and, we 
believe, is, but the sentimental consideration presented in Colonel Harvey's 
personality immediately commands the most open-hearted appreciation. But 
the message that he brings is the thing. It is a call to the South to take 
again the leadership of the Democratic party and restore that organization 
t(^ the reality of statesmanship it was before, when the men of the South 
directed its ways. 

No doubt we shall see some arise to ask Colonel Harvey's authority to offer 
the South the leadership of the Democratic party, but that will be mere 
carping. That his appeal is logical cannot be successfully controverted ; 
that the idea it involves is very practical and important should readily be 
appreciated. The Democracy, as he well says, has become " an aggregation 
of odds and ends, of shreds of theories and patches of practicability," which 
is another way of expressing the thought that Mr. John Hay, in the course 
of the recent campaign, put into the phrase remarkably describing the 
Democracy as " a fortuitous concourse of unrelated prejudices." It is not a 
real force and, therefore, has not the confidence of the people in its ability 
to direct the affairs of the government. The South has not part in shaping 
its destinies because it takes none. Colonel Harvey now calls the South to 
lead the Democracy back to the ways of the fathers and he holds the time to be 
ripe for the undertaking. 

The first thought that must come to sober-minded men in the South in re- 
sponse to this call is of the immense responsibility thus to be given for the 
work they may do. There is the same material for employment in statesman- 
ship in the South to-day that there was in the great days when the South led 
the Democracy that administered the affairs of the government so admirably. 
But it is not so employed. It is now being utilized to develop and build up 
the industrial wealth of the South, which has been so wonderfully increased 
and enriched. The men in political control and representation in the South 
to-day are generally of an inferior quality of statesmanship. We can not 
offer them as the South's leaders in the great work that is proposed to be 
given into our hands. The first step, therefore, toward taking up the charge 
that would be committed to the South under the programme outlined by 
Colonel Harvey should be the setting in order of our own political household. 
This we can do and this we ought to do ; and this done, the rest may easily 
be accomplished. But this is the most difficult part of the work. Yet the 
attractions of public life will be so greatly enhanced under conditions that 
promise a worthy engagement of political talents that the suggestion is 
enough to turn the thoughts of men, long aloof from such interest, toward it. 

There can be no doubt that Colonel Harvey's appeal will be welcomed in the 
South. There has been lately a very general disposition in this section to- 
ward an assertion of the rights and interests of our people in the councils 
of the Democracy, which the votes of the South alone sustain in the electoral 
college of 1904. There can be little doubt, also, that Colonel Harvey has 
spoken the persuasions and desires of many men of the North of all parties, 
Democrats who despair of their own party recovering itself upon the uncer- 
tain footing offered it in the North and West, and Republicans who fear the 
evil day of their own party's arrogance, yet fear a refuge to the Democracy as 
now constituted. 

One thing of importance and vital concern to the South in the whole 
question — the relations of the races. I'pon this point Colonel Harvey is un- 
equivocal. He puts an interpretation upon the speech made by Mr. Elihu 
Root, before the Union League Club of New York city, two years ago, and 
holds an appreciation of it which we have several times set forth in references 
to a remarkable and reassuring utterance of one of the really great men of 
the Republican partj. The interpretation is that the men of the North are 
prepared to concede absolutely the righteousness and expediency of the 
South's policy of upholding the political supremacy of the white man, how- 
ever the constitutional amendments may be read to the contrary. 

The great task proposed to the South by Colonel Harvey cannot be fully 
undertaken in a day, but there must be, as there should be, a beginning of 
preparation for it. — From the Charleston Evening Post. 
15 



ADVICE WOUTll TAK1><G 

Geofe Harvey, editor of Harpci-'s Weekly, spoke in Charleston last night. 
Describing the South as the mainstay, the living reality of Democracy, ho said : 

"The time is fitting. The blight of half a century is ofiE the South. You 
have your manufactures, your mines, your agriculture, your railroads, your 
steamships, vonr schools, your happy homes, your Christian spirit— you have 
all that we have and more, because you have our respect and sympathy to a 
Kfcater degree than we have yours. We ask you to take up the ark of the 
covenant and bear it to victory as of old. We seek now to follow, requiring 
■ nlv that forbearance which is the first attribute of brotherhood. Do not, 
we"impiore, insist that we must manifest no interest in your affairs or you 
in ours. Your problems arc our problems, your hopes our hopes, your teais 
(lur fears and ours are vours. I appeal to you not to put up warning hands 
and say, 'Thus far but no farther.' but with the whole-hearted, trustful, fra- 
ternal. "and generous spirit of chivalric natures, stretch your arms away over 
the line and bid us welcome." 

It is in a response to the spirit of such a plea that hope for the future lies. 
Party proclamations have been inspired and candidates have been furnished by 
the East or bv the West, but to the South the party has looked for a long 
li=t of States" on election day. States upon which it could count to a cer- 
taintv. In convention the tail has wagged the dog. In solution the Harvey 
proposition is that the dog shall wag the tail, which may otherwise be inter- 
preted as meaning that the South shall come into its own. Nor will it cost 
the country anything for the South to forget as well as to remember. Gain 
'ustead of loss "will follow if this advice be taken : 

"There do come times when chivalric men can well afford to let bygones go, 
look hopefully and forbearingly to the future, and act accordingly. In all 
fairness and kindness and righteousness, is not this one of those times? 
In any case the most effective and the only way to remedy whatever, to the 
Democratic mind, I'residont Roosevelt represents that is wrong, is to upbuild 
the Democratic party, and this cannot be done by permitting an unforgiving 
spirit to dominate the soul of wisdom." — From the Brooklyn Eaylc. 



DOES IT MEAN TROUBLE FOR MR. P.RYAN? 

Elsewhere besides in the South the belief is gaining ground that since the 
South supplies the Democratic party with the votes, as a matter of course 
the Presidential candidate of the Democracy should hail from below the 
Mason and Dixon line. So disiiniiuishcd a iiersonage as Colonel George Har- 
vey, head of the house of IhniK r .V brothers, the editor of that brilliant ex- 
po"nent of public opinion, //«/■-( /v \\\il:Ui, in an a<ldress before a Charleston, 
South Carolina, audience Wednesday night of this week, delivered himself as 
follows : " Now is the time, and you of the South are the men, to act with 
promptness and wisdom. You are the mainstay, the living reality of Democ- 
lacy. So many of us in the North come so near being Republicans in prac- 
tice, and so many of us in the West come so near being Populists in theory, 
that the leadership rightfully lielongs to the only section of the party which 
has kept the faith without suffering contamination, and under whose direction 
In the past the people enjoyed their greatest growth, their widest prosperity. 
The time is fitting. The blight of half a century is off the South. You have 
your manufactures, your mines, your agriculture, your railroads, your steam- 
ships, your schools, your happy homes, your Christian spirit — you have ail 
that we have and more, because you have our respect and sympathy to a 
greater degree than we have yours. We ask you to take up the ark of the 
covenant and bear it to victory as of old. We seek now to follow, recpiiring 
onlv that forbearance which is th? first attribute of brotherhood." 

Colon"l Harvey was talking strictly within the records when he reminded 

his hearers that they constituted the only visible Democratic party. " You," 

.lald he. "are the mainstay, the living reality of Democracy." Everywhere 

else, as he might have told them, the party is nothing but a memory, so far 

10 



jis its delivoring any elcftoral vote is concerned. Even in Mr. Bryan's own 
State, where reorganization would be expected to take its initial step, ttiere is 
hardly so much as a remnant remaining of a once militant Democracy. 

Perhaps Tom Watson, ultra Southern, is right in denying Colonel Bryan 
the right to reform the defeated hosts of Democracy. Being a Southerner him- 
self, and as the South is the " living reality of Democracy " to-day, Mr. Wat- 
son feels, doubtless, that there is at least one man of greater availability than 
the noted Xebraskan, should the Democracy decide, as now seems probable it 
will, to take its next Presidential standard-bearer from Georgia, or some 
other State in the South. 

If the kind of talk indulged in by Colonel Harvey shall bear fruit it is 
going to occasion Mr. Bryan no end of trouble to restore himself to his 
erstwhile position as leader and dictator of the national Democracy. Should 
the solid South oppose him with a leader of its own, supported, as he 
doubtless would be, by the anti-Bryan strongholds in the East, his plans for 
regaining his lost leadership would stand a most excellent chance of being 
rudely frustrated. — From the St. Joseph, Missouri, Gazette. 



THE SOUTH MUST PREPARE TO LEAD 

In considering the appeal to the South again to take the leadership of the 
national Democracy made by Colonel Harvey, editor of Harper's Wcelchj and 
T]ie North Ameriean Reriew. the Charleston Post places as the greatest 
obstacle in the way of this section accepting that great responsibility our 
paucity in statesmanship. " There is the same material for employment in 
statesmanship in the South to-day as there was in the great days when the 
South led the Democracy that administered the affairs of the government so 
admirably," says the Post. " But," adds that paper, " it is not so employed. 
It is now being utili?;ed to build up the industrial wealth of the South which 
has been so wonderfully increased and enriched. The men in political con- 
trol and representation in the South to-day are generally of an inferior 
statesmanship. We cannot offer them as the South's leaders in the great 
work that is proposed to be given into our hands. The first step, therefore, 
towards taking up the charge that would be committed to the South under 
the programme outlined by Colonel Harvey should be the setting in order of 
our own political household." The Post admits this to be the most difficult 
part of the work. The problem of making public life attractive to the most 
serious students, to the most lofty -minded and talented citizens, is a difficult 
one. This does not imply that there are not a few of these men now in 
public life, but it is not attractive, and few of that character are encouraged 
to devote their lives to such work. 

The Post is right as to the unpreparedness of the South with seasoned 
timber of the highest quality. A few weeks ago The State made a somewhat 
similar suggestion and offered in explanation our one party system wliich dis- 
courages development on broad lines, and the disregard of the suffragists 
for the qualifications of candidates. The incentive to laborious preparation 
for public life is removed when the man with the ballot disregards the equip- 
ment of candidates. The same energies devoted to the commercial field are 
certain of fnancial return, and so it is, as the Post says, that the best 
timber in the South is not to be found in the political lumber-yard. The 
problem of effecting a change is complicated. Voters will have to be educated 
from the stump as well as in the school-houses : men of higher stamp and 
greater endowments will have to turn patriots and offer themselves to the 
voters. They will probably be sacrificed for years, but they will in time dis- 
countenance the " pot-boiling " politicians, elevate the popular ideas, and build 
the road to statesmanship. It is comforting to believe in such results, and 
the sooner the beginning the sooner the accomplishment. — From the Cohimhin. 
South Carolina, State. 



OFFERING THE CROWN 
Colonel George Harvey revived in his Charleston address last night the in- 
genuous pre-election legend of a Roosevelt " trying to solve all the compli- 
cated problems of nearly a hundred millions of human beings of every race, in 
17 



oveiv iliuie. withiu the short s^pare of four years." l!ut he may be forgiveu 
that" particular exercise of poetic license in return for his sensible and em- 
;.hatic warning to Democrats : •• Of all things, let us not arouse the resent- 
ment, just or unjust, of our countrymen by refusing to recognize the personal 
integrity of an opponent." What lie had to say to this Southern audience 
iibout the things that concerned it most was tactful, sympathetic, and in 
places eloiiuent. 

•• IVrsonally I do not think," said Colonel Harvey, " the Democratic parly 
lias been properly equipped to govern the nation since the civil war." It is 
for the !>?outh, where " the Democratic party produced a line of statesmen such as 
no nation has ever known," to lead the party as it once led it ; " the West and 
the Kast have had their opportunities for forty years, and have failed." As 
the speaker urged : " Vou arc prosperous. Soon you will be rich. You have 
taken your place by the side of the opulent East and the hustling West. You 
had the birth and" breeding: you now have the wealth which in an Anglo- 
Saxon community has ever been essential to proper recognition and the full 
exercise of rightful i)rerogative3." 

If these are the material grounds for a reassertion of Southern leadership, 
there are sentimental and moral grounds. " Is there not plainly observable " 
in the North, asks Colonel Harvey, " a new and fraternal consideration, a 
>pirit of helpfulness in place of a feeling of vengeful reprisal?" He asks 
further, " In the recent campaign was there anywhere a single line written or 
spoken throughout the entire North and West designed to arouse slumbering 
prejudice and inflame forgotten passions?" So he concludes that if it will 
not " permit an unforgiving spirit to dominate the soul of wisdom," the field 
is clear for a re-entrance of the South into its old party leadership — " You 
aie the mainstay, the living reality of Democracy " — and sums it all up in a 
sentence : 

" You have your manufactures, your mines, your agriculture, your railroads, 
your steamships, your schools, your happy homes, your Christian spirit — you 
have all that we have and more, because you have our respect and sympathy to 
a greater degree than we have yours." 

Although these words are addressed by a Democrat to Democrats, they are 
tar more than a partisan message. — From the New York Mail and Express. 



AN APPEAL TO THE SOUTH 

The Scotch Society of St. Andrew, of Charleston, South Carolina, held its 
annual banquet last Wednesday night. The chief speaker of the evening was 
Colonel Harvey, of New York. He began his oration by telling his audience 
that he knew they would be surprised to hear him say he was going to make 
;hi'ni a political speech, rather than deliver an historical oration as has been 
the custom of the speakers on the occasion of the annual meetings of the 
society. His speech was political, but not of the kind that his hearers ex- 
pected even after he had announced of what character it would be. We pub- 
lish below some extracts from the speech. We regret that space does not 
permit of its reproduction in full in our columns. Our readers must bear in 
mind that Colonel Harvey is editor of Harper's Weekly, and a native of the 
State of Vermont. His subject was the true position of the South in the 
administration of the affairs of the national government. 

We know that his words here reproduced will strike a sympathetic chord 
in the heart of every Southern man who cherishes ambitious sentiments for his 
section of the country and who has grown tired of the Southern people being 
hewers of wood and drawers of water for the leaders of the Democratic party 
In the Northern States. 

When we say South in this connection we mean the Southern Democracy, 
which has for forty years bowed in every instance to the will of that portion 
■ >f the party located north of Mason and Dixon's line. 

A remarkable speech indeed was this when it is remembered that it was 
made by a New-Englander. The situation could not be more accurately sized 
up — especially his reference to the taint in the Democracy of the members 
18 



of the party iu the North and iu the West. In the Southern branch of the party 
t-nly are to be found the true and unoontaminated principles of Democracy. 
The Southern Democrats have for too long a time submitted to the domination 
of party friends of the Xorth on the ground that the Southern States have not 
yet been reconstructed and readmitted into the Union long enough for their 
leaders to take prominent position in the management of the politics of the 
nation. The time has come when the Democracy of the South must assert 
itself and demand just recognition at the hands of the Democracy of the 
North. The Southern I>emocracy should heed the appeal of this man from 
Vermont. His words should fire it to a determination to take its proper place 
in the political ranks of the nation and to assert itself in insisting on the 
course which it knows to be for the greatest good of the South and of the 
whole nation. We have been supine too long, caring only for supremacy in 
our State governments : accepting anything from the Democrats of the North, 
just so it was labelled " Democracy," just so long as we were allowed to 
control the affairs of our own States. Mr. Harvey's is a trumpet call to the 
Democrats of the South to arouse from their past political lethargy. There is 
a brilliant future before us if we will only make the exertion to work it out. 
Will we heed this call, or will we continue content to be at the beck and call 
of the Northern Democracy which we allow to dictate candidates and party 
platforms, but which does none of the voting, when the electoral colleges 
meet, but through selfish motives deserts the South and carries her Democracy 
down to defeat with itV — From the Wilmington, North Carolina, Messenger. 



SOUTH KRN LEADERSHIP 

Colonel George Harvey, editor of Haruer's Weekly, in addressing the St. 
Andrew's Society at Charleston, did not follow the customary procedure of 
making an historical address, but confined himself to political reflections. Had 
he combined historical retrospection and political observation he would have 
undoubtedly added to the value of his admirable address. Colonel Harvey 
rightly told his Southern audience that the party created by their fathers had 
been repeatedly mismanaged and led to defeat by the East and West, and it 
was time for the South to reassume control of the national Democracy and 
hold it to the true and undeviable principles that vitalized it in the past. 

But Colonel Ilai-vey might have emphasized that of which he was probably 
not unmindful — that the South now has as its paramount problem the develop- 
ment of its industries, and that political leadership such as he presaged is im- 
possible without that material basis of substantial prosperity that always 
claims the palm of control. 

It must not be lost sight of that on account of the paramountcy of cotton as 
Ihe staple industry of the South that section before the war was practically 
devoid of manufactures and showed little Inventive talent. Almost everything 
that the South needed had to be bought in the North, which fattened off of 
the Southern States. Consequently, since the recuperation of the South from 
the effects of the war, it has had to face the long problem of securing an 
industrial status. This it has done with a rapidity unparalleled in the history 
of the nation. But yet the resources of the South have had but surface scratch- 
ing. The impetus that is now being experienced by this city, that has always 
stood in an intermediary trade relation between the South and the North, is 
of a piece with the industrial impulse being felt by all Southern centres. 

In the patent fact of destined industrial leadership is to be found the real 
basis of any claim the South may make to political leadership. Colonel 
Harvey was not indulging in the " baseless fabric of a vision " when he 
painted the splendid political possibilities of the Southern States, nor was 
he indulging in platitude when he complimented the South upon its Amer- 
icanism. 

That section is the (iod's country of the future, and keen-visioned seers 
from the North are united in tendering it a prophetic '• All Hail 1" — From the 
Baltimore, Maryland. Herald. 
19 



THE SOUTH CALLED OX TO COM.ALWD 
In his address before the St. Andrew's Society of Charleston, on Wednesday 
night. Colonel George Harvey, editor of Hannr's Wccklii, said the reason the 
Democratic party was beaten so badly in the recent election was that the 
people haven't confidence in its ability to govern. In the East the Democrat 
is too near a Republican and in the West too near a Populist. Only in the 
South is the genuine Democrat found. The East or the West has been in 
control of the party for tlie past forty years and the South has done the 
voting, has silently accepted whatever the East or the West said was Demo- 
cratic doctrine. So long as anything bore the Democratic label the South 
accepted it. even tliough her statesmen realized the labelled doctrines were not 
statesmanlike and wouldn't touch the hearts and gain the confidence of the 
people. 

The palmy days of the Democratic party, in Colonel Harvey's opinion, the 
days when "it dominated the country, made and administered the laws, was 
wlieu its leaders were Southern men. He felt sure that if the South were 
to take command of the party again it would have the confidence of the 
people, and would win victories that would compare with any it had won in 
the past. The people, said Colonel Harvey, are ready for moral issues, and 
the time is ripe for tliem. " The struggle between an impatient President 
and reluctant representatives of special interests is inevitable," and the time 
is here for the men of the South to act with promptness and wisdom. 

We have been contending all along that the time was coming when the 
South would dominate the Democratic party and that then the party would be 
the power it had been in its best days. Colonel Harvey was right in saying 
that it was nonsense to suppose the party was dead. It has had as great de- 
feats as it had in November last, and it came to the front again as strong 
as ever. That will be its record again. — From the Savannah, Georgia, Ncivs. 



THE SOUTH'S FUTURE 

As the South stands in the political solitude created by its own veto at the 
late ele'-tion, there is a deal of discussion concerning its political future — 
particularly among men who take little or no active part in politics. That 
last is said in no spirit of derision. The time immediately following a 
quadrennial registering of the national will is peculiarly the property of the 
political academist, and the thoughts and theories which he then voices come 
to play large parts in more strenuous days oftener than the managers of 
campaigns find time to admit. 

One is moved to doubt, however, that recent utterances of Dr. Woodrow 
Wilson and Colonel George Harvey — to take two of the most prominent men 
who have essayed to deal with Southern prospects — will even echo in the 
solution. Roth Dr. Wilson and Colonel Harvey appeal to tlie South, as the 
only section which polled Democratic majorities, to make itself the nucleus 
of a conservative Democracy. Let it, they urge, take the organization into 
its own hands, and prepare for battle under its own leaders. 

Roth of these gentlemen seem to overlook two important facts. First, 
the South, even including, with the eleven States which seceded, the States of 
Kentucky and Louisiana, contains less than one-third of the voting strength 
of the Democratic party. Second, a large portion of that one-third has for 
the basis of its allegiance to the Democratic party ethnological rather than 
economic grounds. 

Of course, it is impossible to estimate accurately the number of Southerners 
who vote the Democratic ticket because of the race question. Init who are in 
accord with the politico-economic principles of the Republican party. That 
it is a very considerable proportion no one familiar with the trend of Southern 
thought will deny. 

As we understand the Wilson-Harvey idea, it assumes that there is room 
and need in the country for a Democratic party of the Cleveland stripe. 
With the election returns fresh in mind this assumption is a bit gratuitous. 
Rut, conceding it has other basis than wish-bred thought — conceding that the 
almost chimerical abstractions, which are the sole distinguishing marks by 
20 



wbicli we may separate Cleveland Democrats from a certain class of Repub- 
licans, are stuff for the regeneration of the Democracy — where is the reason 
for belief that the centre of such regeneration lies in the South? 

A section that is Democratic because of a local condition rather than be- 
cause of devotion to any innate principle of Democracy is hardly the recruiting- 
ground for an advance guard of another reorganization — if that reorganization 
is to create a positive force in national politics. 

So far as the future of the South, political or otherwise, is concerned, it 
lies in the direction of desectionalization. Those within or without its borders 
who insist upon regarding it as a geographical or political place apart from 
the rest of the Union, merely contribute their mites toward obstructing an 
inevitable progress. — From ihe Philadelphia Xorth Ainericaii. 



ADVICE TO SOUTHERN DEMOCRATS 

Within the last few days a Virginian and a Vermonter have pointed out that 
both the East and the West have failed to shape effectively the course of the 
national Democracy, and that the time has come for Southern Democrats to 
resume the helm of their party and steer it into the haven of success. We 
refer to the speeches made by President Woodrow Wilson of Princeton Uni- 
versity at a dinner of the Society of the Virginians in this town and by Colonel 
George Harvey, the editor of Harper's Weeklii, at a dinner of the St. Andrew's 
Society of Charleston. South Carolina. As both men are known to be stanch 
in the Democratic faith and warm friends of the South, their suggestions will 
receive throughout that part of the T'nion much and earnest attention. 

Dr. Woodrow Wilson would have the South, as the only remaining fraction 
of the Democratic party that can command a majority of the votes in its 
constituencies, demand a rehabilitation of the party on the only lines that 
can restore it to dignity and power. To that end he would have Southern 
Democrats read out of the party as aliens and interlopers the Populists and 
radical theorists who for eight years have been dominant. To that end he 
would have Southern Democrats admit to fraternal union only those citizens 
of the East and the West who wish for reform without loss of stability, and 
who will join in reaffirming the principles and in reverting to the practices of 
the historical party. Dr. Wilson reminded his fellow Virginians that the old 
Democratic partv had stood by the South through good report and ill. and it 
was now, he said, the duty oif the South to requite that fidelity by recalling 
the partv to its old counsels and reinfusing in it the spirit of its prime. 

To Colonel Harvey, speaking at Charleston, it seemed equally patent that at 
last the opportunity of Southern Democrats had come. The resurrection of tlie 
Democratic partv must be looked for, he said, from the part of the Union that 
gave it birth. For forty years tlie South had accepted in national conventions 
whatever had been offered by the East or by the West. Was there ever wit- 
nessed, asked Colonel Harvey, such patient bending to the yoke on the part of 
a free and enlightened people — a people, too, that used to be described as 
masterful? 

The recent Republican victory he described as largely Mr. Roosevelt s per- 
sonal triumph, but partly also as the outcome of a feeling among independent 
voters and Democratc themselves that the Democratic party has not in recent 
vears demonstrated a capacity of governing wisely and well. 

If. however, said Colonel Harvey, the party is to regain the approval of a 
majoritv of the American people, the work of rejuvenation to be undertaken by 
Southern Democrats must begin at the bottom, and the only foundation upon 
which to build is a moral one. It was on a moral issue that Samuel J. Tilden 
swept the State of New York and subsequently gained a plurality of the 
popular vote throughout the I'nion. It was on a moral issue that Grover 
Cleveland carried the Stale of New York in 1884 and thus secured the Presi- 
dencv. It was on a moral issue that Foik was chosen the other day Governor 
of Missouri, and if Douglas obtained the Governorship in Massachusetts, which 
gave a plurality of 80.000 for the Republican national ticket, it was due to 
the fact that he stood for the welfare of the many as against that of the few. 

Colonel Harvey closed, as he began, with reminding the men of the South 
that they constituted the mainstay, the backbone, the living reality of Democ- 
21 



raty. Man.v N\>rlhein L'ooiiHiats tome so near to being Uepublioans in piai- 
;ice, and many Western Demoiiats so near being I'opiilists in theory, that tlie 
leadership of the party belongs rightfully to the only section of it which 
has kept the faith without sutiering contamination. Fur that reason he con- 
tended that Northern and Western Itemocrats should be willing now to follow, 
should urge, indeed, their Southern brethren to lead. ii> take up the ark of the 
covenant and bear it to victory as of old. 

The only condition that Colonel Harvey would impose upon the resumption 
of leadership by the Southern Democrats is that they would bear the banner 
of their party along the broad path of tolerance and enlightenment, of progress 
and Christianity, of belief in man and faith in God. out of the darkness of 
despair into the sunlight of hope and confidence. By this, we suppose. Colonel 
Harvey means that the Solid South should escape from its political pro- 
vincialism and become potent in determining consistently and broadly national 
policies for the l>emocratic party, instead of voting blindly and stubbornly for 
jiuy policies, no matter how contradictory, which may seem expedient to Demo- 
cratic conventions from election to election. 

It must be borne in mind, however, that the vast majority of Democratic 
votes are cast at the North and in the Border States outside of the Solid South, 
as it is strictly deflned. 

In 11H)U the eleven States of the old Southern Confederacy contributed less 
than thirty per cent, to the total Democratic poll. Moreover. Southern solidity 
is due solely to the race question. On strictly national questions the South 
is only noiuinally Democratic, as so many of our Southern correspondents 
have pointed out". Before the civil war the Whig party was powerful there, 
r.nd still the policy of protection finds wide favor in the South. Can. then, 
the Democratic party be called more homogeneous at the South than at the 
North? rnquestionably. however, the spirit of the South is hopefully cou- 
bervative. — From the Sew York isiiii. 



A CALL TO THE SUl Til 
Colonel George Harvey, editor of the yortli Awerican Rrricir and of Hm- 
ix r's ^ycckll;. in the latter of which editorial capacities he has in a short time 
acquired the reputation of being the most brilliant contemporary critic of 
political affairs in the country, made a great speech the other evening at the 
annual banquet of the St. Andrew's Society in Charleston, South Carolina. A 
New-Yorker of New-Yorkers, a typical representative of the intellectual and 
successful business men of the metropolis. Colonel Harvey sounded a clarion 
call to the South to resume in the politics of the nation the initiative which 
v.as once recognized as her right and privilege. As a Democrat addressing 
Democrats, a friend counselling friends, he said to his Southern audience : 

•• But while the East and West have alternately and with the precision of 
the setting sun carried the party down to defeat, what has the South been 
doing? You have taken whatever has been offered to you and with hardly a 
wry face. If free silver was tendered, you swallowed that : if the gold stand- 
ard, you took that : protection or free trade, a radical or a conservative candi- 
date, big navies or little navies, big sticks or mellow flutes, whatever grist 
<ame to your mill was accepted so long as it bore the party label. You are 
.sometimes called, and. I think, unquestionably are, in some respects, a mas- 
terful and intolerant community, but was such patient bending to the yoke 
as this ever before e.fhibited by a free and enlightened people? I am aware 
of the local condition which gave rise to and perhaps made necessary this 
abdication of authority even in the councils of the party created by your 
ancestors, but I ask you if the time is not now at hand to come back Into 
jour own. to claim the opportunity exercised so long and so disastrously by 
others, to reassert the broad statesmanship of the past, and to Maze the 
way for a r-.>turn to the sturdy principles of the fathers? " 

This is in admirable spirit. It should receive attentive consideration. There 
is a well-defined sentiment in the South that this section should stop playing 
second fiddle in politics by preference. It has been well said since the election 



that if the I'residential candidate of the Demociacy had been a Southern man, 
the party would certainly have done as wel! as it did and would perhaps have 
done better. 

Regarding our local issues as under permanent local control, we need in the 
South to take a national hand in national politics, creating a healthful in- 
dependence of influence in the afi'airs of the country. It is pleasant to know- 
that we have such warm friends and admirers in the North as Colonel Harvey 
shows himself to be. If there are very many like him up there, it will not be 
so difficult for the programme which he outlines to be put into effect. At 
any rate, we believe that the doctrine of Colonel Haivey is far better for the 
South than the reported pessimistic plaint of Senator liacon of Georgia, that 
the course of national politics makes the South despair and feel as if she has 
been ostracised from the country of which .she technically forms a part. We 
do not believe that the majoritj of Southerners are cast down : on the contrary, 
we believe that the majority of them are hopeful and cheerful. — From tin 
Xorfolk, Virginia, Landrnurh. 

A CALL TO THE SOUTH 

Colonel George Harvey, editor of Harper's Weekly, made a noteworthy ad- 
dress in Charleston, South Carolina, the other day. the occasion being the 
175th annual banquet of the St. Andrew's Society of that city. Colonel 
Harvey did not make the expected historical address, but handed out about as 
interesting a budget of politics as a Southern audience has listened to for some 
time. 

The Post reproduces a striking portion of his speech : 

•• Henceforth let every issue be a moral issue, and let us have no further 
appeals or catering to any specific odds or ends or shreds or patches, and of 
all things let us not arouse the resentment, just or unjust, of our countrymen 
by refusing to recognize the personal integrity of an opponent. 

•• The fact is certain ! Whatever may be the result of an inevitable struggle 
between an impatient President and reluctant representatives of special in- 
terests, it behooves the Democratic party to take heed from the fate of the 
foolish virgins. Xow is the time, and you of the South are the men to act 
with promptness and wisdom. You are the mainstay, the living reality of 
Democracy. So many of us in the North come so near being Republicans in 
practice, and so many of us in the West come so near being Populists in theory, 
that the leadership rightfully belongs to the only section of the party which 
has kept the faith without suffering contamination, and under whose direction 
in the past the people enjoyed their greatest growth, their widest prosperity. 

•• The time is fitting. The blight of half a century is off the South. You 
have your manufactures, your mines, your agriculture, your railroads, your 
steamships, your schools, your happy homes, your Christian spirit — you have 
all that we have and more, because you have our respect and sympathy to a 
greater degree than we have yours. We ask you to take up the ark of the 
covenant and bear it to victory, as of old. We seek now to follow, requiring 
only that forbearance which is the first attribute of brotherhood." 

This is all quite complimentary to the Southern Democracy, but is no more 
than we have claimed for it, even when misguided newspapers were constantly 
charging us with being a people of small conception of political principles. 
But as nice and soothing as Colonel Harveys words are. the doubt that neces- 
sarily troubles one in estimating their importance is whether Colonel Harvey 
speaks with authority. 

The Southern Democracy is essentially a party of principles, and in the 
South these principles are plainly manifest in the State governments. We 
have the most economical State governments in the Union, lower taxation, and 
laws which not only rigidly safeguard the interests of the public, but which 
control as far as the State is permitted to control the relations which exist 
between the citizen and the corporation. 

It is not meant to say that our governments are perfect : far from it, but the 
old ideals are preserved" much better in the South than in other sections of the 
country. 



To the miiul of the Soiithein Democrat, protective tariffs present a moral 
issue and that was expressed in the St. Louis platform when a tariff for 
protection was denounced as robbery. The trust question to the Southern 
mind presents a moral issue, for in reality it involves the principle contained 
in the Eighth Commandment. The ship subsidy bill appears to the Southern 
Democrat as a moral issue, and to a certain extent the pension question. 

The South has a keener perception of the immorality of protection, pension 
frauds, and other forms of privilege for which the Republican party stands, 
because it has been compelled to bear its share of the burden without getting 
a fair share of the loot. If everybody was robbed alike, there would be no 
advantage in the robbery. Honesty would pay Just as well and look better. 

The Po8t is glad that the South has not been contaminated so generally 
by the vicious system of privilege, for in all likelihood, had she shared in 
these advantages! her moral perceptions would not have been so strong. Of 
course we have not escaped entirely. The trail of the serpent appears here 
and there, but not to the extent it has afflicted the North. 

We shall take Colonel Harvey's cp.U to the South under advisement. We have 
plenty of leadership material and we have positive views as to what consti- 
tutes Democracy. In the spring of 1908. the time for action, the South will 
see what it can do to extricate the Northern Democracy from the bog into 
which it has fallen. — Frovt the Honsion, Tejcas, Post. 



THE FUTCRE OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY 

Colonel George Harvey, editor of Harper's Weekly, the Xortli Amcricnn Re- 
rk'ic. Harper's Magazine, and of about a half-dozen other great periodicals, 
recently spoke at a banquet in Charleston, advising the Democrats of the 
South to take the lead in the reorganization of the National Democratic party. 
This advice comes, perhaps, a little late to do the Democrats very much good 
in the 11»04 election. 

The Norfolk Dispateh advised the same thing last spring and last summer, 
nor did its advice do the Democratic party very much good. One of the 
reasons for this is be.?ause its advice was not taken. 

There is nothing quite as irritating in this world as an " I told you so." 
there is nothing forgotten much sooner than advice of which we disapprove 
;ind which we do not wish to follow. Of course, there may be other reasons 
for the Democracy's defeat besides its not following the counsel of the 
Dispateh. This paper realized that the patient was a pretty sick one, but 
it did not like the medicine which Mr. Hill and Mr. Belmont wished to pre- 
scribe, and from the first opposed the programme for the Parkerization of 
the Democratic party. 

Perhaps the only signal result of its fight was to prevent the Democratic 
party of Virginia instructing in open convention for Judge Parker. T'nless 
;ho Dispateh had taken the stand that it did. with practically all the lead- 
ing politicians of the State liot Parkerites. and practically all the leading 
papers either tacitly consenting to or openly advocating the instruction of the 
Virginia delegation for Parker, the State would have had a worse record in 
the reorganization business than was actually achieved for her by that type of 
leadership which was tired of being out and wanted to win. 

Colonel Harvey was right outspoken with his Charleston audience. He de- 
clared that the West and the East had had their control of the party for 
forty years and had failed. He stated that the South had swallowed every- 
thing that had been handed out to it. Said he: "If free silver was tendered, 
vou swallowed that: if the gold standard, you took that: protection or freo 
trade, a radical or a conservative candidate, big navies or little navies, bi.g 
sticks or mellow flutes, whatever grist came to your mill, was accepted so 
long as it bore the party label. 

■■ Vou are sometimes referred to and. T think, unquestionably are. in some 
respects, a masterful and intolerant community, but was such a patient bend- 
ing to the yoke as this ever before exhibited by a free and enlightened peo- 
ple? I am aware of the local condition which gave rise to and perhaps made 
24 



necessary tbis abdication of authority even in tbe councils of the party cre- 
ated by your ancestors, but I aslc you if the time is not now at hand to come 
Lack into your own, to claim the opportunity exercised so long and so disas- 
trously by others, to reassert the broad statesmanship of the past, and to blaze 
the way for a return to the sturdy principles of the fathers?" 

Colonel Harvey pointed the lesson that the only foundation on which to 
build in the confidence of the American people is by appealing to their moral 
sensibilities. 

He pointed out that President Roosevelt had run 'way ahead of his ticket 
in many of the States which he carried, because his personality appealed to 
the moral force of the people. In several States which gave him their votes. 
Democratic Governors had been elected because of their appeal to the moral 
force of the people. 

********** 
Said he : " Herein lies the lesson for the future : henceforth let every issue 
be a moral issue, and let us have no further appeal or catering to any "specific 
odds or ends or shreds or patches. Of all those, let us not arouse tlie resent- 
ment, just or unjust, of our countrymen by refusing to recognize the personal 
integrity of an opponent. 

"You are the living mainstay, the living reality of Democracy. So many 
of us in the North come so near being Republican in practice, and so manv 
of us in the West come so near being Populists in theory, that the leadership 
rightfully belongs to the only section of the party which has kept the faith 
without suffering contamination, and under whose direction in the past the 
people enjoyed their greatest growth, their widest prosperity. 

" The time is fitting. The blight of half a century is off the South. You 
have your manufactures, your mines, your agriculture, your railroads, your 
steamships, your schools, your happy homes, your Christian spirit — you have 
all we have and more, because you have our respect and sympathy to a greater 
degree than we have yours. 

" We ask you to take up the ark of the covenant and bear it to victory as 
of old. We seek now to follow, requiring only more forbearance, which is 
the first attribute of brotherhood." 

Fair dealing as between man to man. bending to the practical and to con- 
ditions as they are — a brave meeting of the great problem of the control by 
money of the election of public men and the use of money to obtain pub- 
lic legislation, directly or indirectly, an insistence upon a broad American- 
ism, an adherence to the radicalism of Jefferson and Jackson, a belief in the 
saving common sense of the plain people — let the Democracy outline all of 
these things in its platform and nominate a man of real force and ability 
and of tried integrity. Thus, and thus only, will the Democratic party be re- 
stored to power in our country. It may require eight years, it may only re- 
quire four years, but without sound qualities and principles the party never 
can win, and it is better that it never should win. The party is a creature 
of the people, owes its existence to them. Too many of us would let the 
Democratic party be our master, rather than adopt toward it the proper atti- 
tude of making it our servant. — From the Xorfolk, Virginia, Dispatch. 



Colonel George Harvey, of Xew York, and the house of Harper & Brothers, 
was the guest of the St. Andrews Society, in Charleston. South Carolina, last 
evening, and deepened the warmth of his welcome by declaring that the next 
Democratic candidate for the Presidency should come from the South. He 
appealed to that section as " the mainstay, the living reality of Democracy." to 
take command. "We .seek now to follow." was Colonel Harvey's confident 
announcement. He was ardent and eloquent, and wise in advising the South 
to bear itself generously toward President Roosevelt. The dazed Democracy 
of all sections will continue to wait on events, and take plenty of time to 
think about the future. Meanwhile Colonel Harvey's vision of Southern leader- 
fihip will help brighten the prospect in that section. — From the Springfield, 
Massachusetts, ReuuhUcan. 



A .NOUTIIJIUN Al'l'KAL TO TllK SOUTH 

Colonel George Harvey, the present editor of IlariJcr's Wvckli/. a native of 
Vermont and a lifelong Democrat, made an address at a recent banquet 
of the St. Andrew's Society at Charleston. South Carolina, in which he 
eloquently appealed to the South to take the lead of the Democratic party. 

He recalled the past record ot the party under Southern leadership before 
the civil war. " The West and the Kast," he said, " have had their oppor- 
tunities for forty years and have failed. Now what of the South? Here 
the Democratic party had its birth, here it produced a line of statesmen 
such as no nation has ever Itnown. Of the fifteen administrations ending in 
1801 all but two were Democratic, and of these thirteen terms nine were 
served by Southern men and six by the founders of the party — Thomas 
.left'erson. James .Madison, and .lames Monroe. While the South, as repre- 
sented by these great men, was in the saddle, there was no suggestion of un- 
litness to govern. Adherence to principle, sagacity in statesmanship, con- 
servatism in action, faithful endeavor in the interests of the entire country, 
won and held the conlidence of the people to such a degree that, through all 
the vicissitudes of internecine strife and an unparalleled succession of re- 
verses at the polls, that great party survived, still lives, and, please God, 
shall never die." 

He mentions several causes of the recent Democratic Waterloo. " but." he 
adds, •■ the fundamental underlying cause, more potent than all of these 
combined, was a deep-seated conviction in the minds of thinking men that 
the National Democratic party has not in recent years demonstrated a 
capacity to govern wisely and well. And, having in mind particularly its 
lecord for the past twelve years, can we honestly deny the existence of a 
reasonable justification for that belief V" 

Noting this, the Couricr-JoiiniaJ does not think that Colonel Harvey is 
wholly logical in his contention that the South alone is in a position to 
restore the confidence of the country in the Democratic party. 

That party, he truly declares, has become " an aggregation of odds and 
ends, of shreds of theories and patches of practicability." But is the South 
less responsible for this than other parts of the country? It seems to us 
that Mr. Harvey, witliout intending to do so, answers this question further 
on in his address, when he says : 

•* I!ut while the Kast and West have alternately and with the precision of 
the setting sun carried the party down to defeat, what has the South been 
doing? You have taken whatever has been offered to you and with hardly a 
wry face. If free silver was tendered, you swallowed that : if the gold stand- 
ard, you took that : protection or fi-ee trade, a radical or a conservative candi- 
date, big navies or little navies, big sticks or mellow flutes, whatever grist 
came to your mill was accepted so long as it bore the party label. You are 
sometimes called, and I think, unquestionably are. in some respects a mas- 
terful and intolerant community, but was such patient bending to the yoke 
as this ever before exhibited by a free and enlightened people? I am aware 
«f the local condition which gave rise to and perhaps made necessary this 
abdication of authority even in the councils of the party created by your 
ancestors, but I ask you if the time is not now at hand to come hack into 
your own, to claim the opportunity exercised so long, and so disastrously by 
others, to reassert the broad statesmanship of the past and to blaze the way 
for a return to the sturdy principles of the fathers?" 

No intelligent and candid Southern man will deny that this indictment is 
largely Justitiable. Since (he war the South has accepted anything the Demo- 
cratic party chose to present simply because the war left to the South an 
issue which, in the minds and lives of Southern people, overshadowed all 
<ither issues, and on which the Democratic party seemed the only party with 
which the South could stand. Thus to-day when <'olonel Harvey invokes the 
South to take up the Democratic leadership which has proved abortive in 
other hands and to rebuild the Democratic party on Democratic principles, 
he invokes a peo))Ie in whose loyalty to Democratic principles the country 
(annot unreservedly confide because there has been no opportunity to put that 
2G 



lojalty to a tair test, and because, on the other hand, all sorts of princioles 
Lave been swallowed by them as Democratic in their attitude of self-pro'tec^ 
t.on against the racial menace which they have believed to be held over 
them by the Republican party. 

Aside from this motive for opposing the Ilepublican party. Colonel Harvey 
cannot know whether the South is really Democratic or not. The Courier 
journal, which probably has better opportunities than he for information 
on this point, does not know. The South is solid on nothing except self-pro- 
tection from this racial menace. If that had never been, or if it were abso 
lutely removed, no one could say how the South would stand on the political 
and economic questions of the age. Certainly the South was not solid for 
the Democratic party in the days when Southern leadership did so much 
for that par y. The Whig party, no less than the Democratic party, was 
indebted to the South, and there is everything to indicate that if the South- 
ern whites lelt flee to-day to vote on all issues in accordance with their con- 
victions no one party could count on their support 

If the Democratic party has been since the war a thing of shreds and 
patches, It IS still a thing of shreds and patches in the South. The ablest 
southern Democrats who. If the party in the South were in condition to as- 
sume the responsibility which Colonel Harvey would have it assume, would 
alone be the men equal to that task, have been discredited and sent to the 
Ihf «.,^r""''' /"'/n'i'" "''"^'■^ ^""'^ ^^^ Democratic party as it exists now in 
the South would tall to pieces. From the pieces would arise both a vigorous 
Democratic party, inspired by Democratic principles, and a vigorous Re- 
publican party, and the South would then be in position to lend leadership 
nation" ^'^ ^^"^ Democrats of the nation, but to the Republicans of the 
Colonel Harvey contends that this menace no longer exists. Then God- 
speed to him and other patriotic men of the North In convincing the South 
of that. But in order to do that he must bring more conclusive proof than 
Mr. Roots speech two years ago, and the approval with which that was 
heard by a ^orthern audience. He must satisfy the Southern people that 
the demand tor legislation afainst the South made in the platform of the Re- 
publican party and proposed in bills before Congress is nothing more than the 
vaporing of powerless partisan agitators. He assures the South of the 
Norths sympathy and desire for brotherhood. "Your problems" he savs 
"are our problems, your hopes our hopes, your fears our fears, and ours are 
yours. I appeal to you not to put up warning hands and say ' Thus far but 
uo_ farther,' but with the whole-hearted, trustful, fraternal, and generous 
spirit of chivalric natures stretch your arms away over the line and bid us 
welcome." 

Amen ! The C(mrier- Journal believes, with Colonel Harvey, that there is 
no real division between the North and the South to-dav : it' believes that if 
the Northern people do not fully understand and sympathize with the atti- 
tude of the Southern whites on the question of race they are fast coming to 
do so. But It is not possible fully to convince the South of that as long as 
such propositions for discriminative legislation against the South as urged 
by the Platts and Crumpackers are not disowned by the party which con- 
trols every section of the country except the South. 

When that shall be finally done we shall have a South qualified not only 
for Democratic leadership, but for Republican leadership as VieU.—From the 
LomsviUr Courier . Journal. 
27 




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